POLICE-INITIATED STOPS by Brooke A. Thomas Bachelor of Arts with Major in Criminology, Simon Fraser University, 2004 MAJOR PAPER SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FUFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS (CRIMINAL JUSTICE) In the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice © Brooke Thomas 2021 UNIVERSITY OF THE FRASER VALLEY Winter 2021 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Approval Name: Brooke A. Thomas Degree: Master of Arts (Criminal Justice) Degree Title: Police-Initiated Stops Examining Committee Zina Lee, Ph.D. GPC Chair Director, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice Irwin M. Cohen, Ph.D. Senior Supervisor Associate Professor, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice Erin Osterberg, Ph.D. Second Supervisor Assistant Professor, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice Garth Davies, Ph.D. External Examiner Associate Professor, School of Criminology, Simon Fraser University April 26, 2021 Date Defended/Approved: ______________________________________________________ ii Abstract Following similar criticisms in the United States and Britain, the benefits and harms of police-initiated stops, including street checks, have been debated over the past five years in Canada (Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019; Tulloch, 2018; Vancouver Police Department, 2018; Wortley, 2019). In response, provincial policymakers have engaged researchers and police departments to evaluate the use of street checks, and have relied on study results and outcomes of community consultations to devise new policies and guidelines (Alberta Justice and Solicitor General, 2020; Government of British Columbia, 2019a; Laroche, 2021; Tulloch, 2018). The purpose of this major paper is not to support or criticize police practices, but to assess the value of considering street checks as part of a continuum of policeinitiated stops. Relying on the concept of a range of officer-generated interactions, this major paper evaluates methods of data collection and analysis that might provide a more comprehensive understanding of these police practices. Relying on one year of street check and on-view general occurrences conducted by the Prince George RCMP, several consistencies between the data sets were noted, including demographics, police-contact histories of stopped individuals, and the geographic and temporal aspects of the stops. The likenesses in the results indicate similar practices by police, and supports further examination of the data sets and the concept of a continuum of police-initiated stops. The combination of data sets and a more comprehensive approach to officer-generated engagements may provide a greater understanding of the practices for consideration by policymakers. iii Acknowledgments I wish to extend my appreciation to my cohort, colleagues, and school supervisors who debated street checks and analysis with me over the past 20 months. What began as a manageable topic for a major paper transformed considerably during a time of significant flux in the policing domain. I am extremely grateful for the continued help and guidance. iv Dedication I dedicate this major paper to my family and friends, who have supported me throughout this journey, answering many anxious phone calls, and excited text messages. A special thank you to my spouse, who encouraged me at every stage, and has been my greatest champion. v Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................ iv List of Tables .......................................................................................................................viii List of Figures ....................................................................................................................... ix Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1 Police Authorities .................................................................................................................. 2 Legislation .................................................................................................................... 2 Neutral Engagement ..................................................................................................... 3 Reasonable Suspicion Without Detention ..................................................................... 5 Reasonable Suspicion and Investigative Detention ........................................................ 6 Reasonable Grounds and Arrest .................................................................................... 7 Continuum Summary .................................................................................................... 9 Policies and Practices .......................................................................................................... 11 International – Stop and Search .................................................................................. 13 Britain .......................................................................................................................... 13 United States ............................................................................................................... 15 Canada ....................................................................................................................... 18 Nova Scotia – A complete ban..................................................................................... 19 Ontario – Provincial Regulations ................................................................................. 20 Alberta ......................................................................................................................... 22 Current Policy in British Columbia............................................................................... 23 Policies and Practices Summary .................................................................................. 27 Research on Police Stops ..................................................................................................... 27 Benefits ...................................................................................................................... 28 Crime Reduction and Intelligence-Led Policing ........................................................... 28 Gathering Information................................................................................................. 29 Police Legitimacy ......................................................................................................... 30 Challenges .................................................................................................................. 31 Police Legitimacy ......................................................................................................... 31 Trauma in the Criminal Justice System........................................................................ 32 Implicit and Explicit Bias .............................................................................................. 33 Limitations in the Existing Research Literature ............................................................ 35 Demographic Data ....................................................................................................... 35 Street Check Data ........................................................................................................ 37 vi Exploratory Analysis ............................................................................................................ 39 Methodology .............................................................................................................. 39 Prince George, BC ........................................................................................................ 40 Data Analysis .............................................................................................................. 42 Results ....................................................................................................................... 44 Discussion .................................................................................................................. 50 Data Limitations ......................................................................................................... 51 Recommendations .............................................................................................................. 53 1. Data entry and reporting ...................................................................................... 54 2. Future Research.................................................................................................... 57 Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 59 References .......................................................................................................................... 61 vii List of Tables Table 1 Continuum of Police Interactions ..................................................................................... 10 Table 2 UCR Types resulting in charge submissions ...................................................................... 44 Table 3 Data Set Demographics .................................................................................................... 46 Table 4 Charge Histories ................................................................................................................ 48 viii List of Figures Figure 1 Continuum of Police Interactions...................................................................................... 3 Figure 2 Continuum of Police Interactions with Practices ............................................................ 12 Figure 3 Officer-Initiated Contact RMS Process ............................................................................ 38 Figure 4 Map of Prince George, BC ............................................................................................... 40 Figure 5 Hotspot Contour ............................................................................................................. 43 Figure 6 Breakdown of Unique Individuals ................................................................................... 45 Figure 7 On-View Calls and Street Checks .................................................................................... 49 ix Introduction The 21st century introduced considerable changes to the laws and guidelines authorizing police interactions with the public both nationally and internationally. While police authorities to stop and question individuals have long been recognized as posing a risk for arbitrary and indiscriminate checks (Inbau & Thompson, 1968), more recent and significant events in Canada involving alleged racial profiling have influenced substantial change in police-initiated stops (Griffiths, Montgomery, & Murphy, 2018; Tulloch, 2018; Wortley, 2019). As a result of public and civil liberty groups' complaints of officer discrimination, police departments and local governments across Canada have commissioned studies to examine street checks (Griffiths et al., 2018; Tulloch, 2018; Vancouver Police Department, 2018; Wortley, 2019). The research explored various experiences, including those who have been repeatedly street checked by police, and police officers charged with the responsibility of securing their respective jurisdictions. Since police-initiated stops are fluid, where an interaction that began as a proactive street check may rapidly escalate to detention and arrest, it may be valuable to consider the practice of street checks as part of a continuum of police-initiated stops. However, street check data across multiple records management systems in Canada does not include occurrences that require any further investigation. Therefore, exploring additional data sets to include occurrences across the continuum of officer-generated engagements may provide a more comprehensive understanding of the practices and offer enhanced considerations for policymakers. 1 Police Authorities Legislation In Canada, police stops are governed by federal legislation, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the Criminal Code, provincial legislation, common law, and policy. The authorities and principles seek to limit prejudice and arbitrary practices, while supporting avenues for police to ensure public safety. Police are required to perform their duties reasonably and lawfully in the context of various legislative references in an everchanging police landscape and related case law. Interpreting the various sources of direction and limitations can be especially challenging when police are required to react swiftly when there is a risk of harm to themselves or others. While legislation and policy may be specific to certain aspects of police engagement, such as the BC Motor Vehicle Act R.S.B.C. 1996, understanding the fluidity of police and public interactions is imperative, both from an officer and researcher perspective. The following section demonstrates a concept of police interactions as a continuum relying on legislation and case law to support lawful police actions (see Figure 1). The summary is not meant to be an in-depth legal analysis. Rather, it serves as a guide for the public, police, and other stakeholders for how case law can be applied to interactions and communications between the police and the public. Additionally, the concept of a continuum of police interactions suggests a more comprehensive perspective of engagement, and should be applied to research on police stops. 2 Neutral Engagement Reasonable Suspicion Without Detention Reasonable Suspicion and Investigative Detention Reasonable Grounds and Arrest Figure 1 Continuum of Police Interactions Neutral Engagement Legislation combined with the results of Charter challenges in Canadian courts provides the directives for police interactions. Depending upon the circumstances, police can engage individuals in a conversation without detention or requiring personal information (R. v. Grant, 2009; R. v. Mann, 2004). Reasons for these interactions include basic community engagement, gathering information to support an individual’s personal needs, or attempting to gather information about reported incidents. Section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms secures procedural fundamental justice and offers residual protection against selfincrimination and the right to silence (Government of Canada, 2019a; R. v. Singh, 2007). Section 9 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects individuals from arbitrary detention, while section 10 requires that when an individual is lawfully arrested or detained, they must be informed of the reason for the arrest or detention and their right to counsel without delay (Government of Canada, 2019). R. v. Mann (2004 SCC 52) clarified that detention, under sections 9 and 10 of the Charter, does not include a mere delay of the individual due to police questioning or identification. The delay must involve significant physical or psychological restraint. The objective test set out in R. v. Grant (2009 SCC 32) to determine psychological 3 restraint consists of the conclusion by a reasonable person that they felt obligated, by law, to comply. In British Columbia, police stop governance is outlined in Section 6.0 of the Provincial Policing Standards. To ensure unbiased policing, the standards specify the circumstances under which police officers are authorized to stop individuals. Identity factors alone, including race, sexual orientation, gender identity, age, religion, amongst others, are not sufficient grounds to conduct a stop, and officers cannot ask for identifying information without a justifiable reason (Government of British Columbia, 2019b). Following existing provincial and federal legislation, officers may require identifying information in the circumstances, including, but not limited to, traffic stops, when executing a warrant, or during the investigation of an offence (BC Motor Vehicle Act, 1996; Criminal Code, 1985). However, officers may also request information from a person when they believe it serves a public safety purpose, such as in an attempt to locate a missing person, if the officer has concerns for the individual’s safety, or to provide community support referrals (Government of British Columbia, 2019b). Under all circumstances, the BC Provincial Policing Standards require that "police interactions with a person where there is no lawful authority to detain or arrest the person are voluntary, and the person is free to go, and their refusal to stay or answer questions does not justify further law enforcement action" (Government of British Columbia, 2019b, section (9)). Therefore, a brief conversation with police, where the parties understand they are not required to comply with requests and are free to leave, would not be considered detention and would not constitute a charter breach. 4 In effect, neutral engagements may occur without a police record of the interaction if it involves a casual conversation or if the individual refuses to engage with the officer. However, if officers collected any personal information, the interaction may be documented as a street check occurrence (PRIME-BC, 2015). Although not criminal, the records of these interactions offer police officers and crime analysts the ability to rely on established information, such as the date and time of the interaction, and potentially personal descriptors, such as clothing, to assist with future engagement or investigation. For example, the use of the information could help investigations involving vulnerable populations, such as missing persons inquiries (Vancouver Police Department, 2018). Reasonable Suspicion Without Detention Honourable Mr. Justice Tulloch, in his Report of the Independent Street Checks Review in Ontario, defined reasonable suspicion as “an expectation that a targeted individual is possibly engaged in some criminal activity” (p. 13) and focused on possibility, rather than probability (2018). The Supreme Court of Canada recognized that “focused suspicion, in and of itself, does not turn the encounter into a detention. What matters is how the police, based on that suspicion, interacted with the subject” (R. v. Grant, 2009, para. 41). Furthermore, the term ‘detention’ was differentiated from ‘delay’ in R. v. Mann (2004, SCC 52): [T]he police cannot be said to "detain", within the meaning of sections 9 and 10 of the Charter, every suspect they stop for purposes of identification, or even interview. The person who is stopped will in all cases be "detained" in the sense of "delayed", or "kept waiting". However, the constitutional rights recognized by sections 9 and 10 of the Charter are not engaged by delays that involve no significant physical or psychological restraint (R. v. Mann, 2004, para. 19, as cited in R. v. Suberu, 2009, para. 23). 5 If identifying information is voluntarily provided and the officer has not established that a related offence has occurred, then the interaction would be recorded in a street check occurrence (BC-PRIME, 2015). Additionally, the officer can record their determination of the suspicious behaviour that may be relied upon in future investigations by police and analysts (Montgomery et al., 2019). Reasonable Suspicion and Investigative Detention If, during an interaction based on reasonable suspicion, an officer requires the individual to stop, possibly for officer safety purposes, and the engagement extends beyond a traditional street check, the interaction falls under the definition of investigative detention. Based on reasonable suspicion that a person is “connected to a particular crime and that such a detention is necessary… [T]the investigative detention should be brief in duration and does not impose an obligation on the detained individual to answer questions posed by the police” (R. v. Mann, 2004 at para 45). To justify investigative detention, police must act on “an objective view of the totality of the circumstances, informing the officer’s suspicion that there is a clear nexus between the individual to be detained and a recent or on-going criminal offence” (R. v. Mann, 2004 SCC52, para 34, as cited in R. v. Sanscartier, 2019 QCCA 1079, para. 16). If an officer believes a person is involved in a criminal offence, they may engage the individual to ask questions related to the investigation; however, they must caution the individual to prevent violations of Sections 7 and 9 of the Charter. This can be achieved by explaining what is being investigated and informing the individual that they are under no obligation to answer questions. Additionally, to recognize the individual is being detained for 6 investigative purposes based on reasonable suspicion, the subject must be informed of their section 10(b) right to retain and instruct counsel. The right to counsel has both an informational and an implementational component. It seeks to ensure that persons who become subject to the state's coercive power will know about their right to counsel and will be allowed to exercise it so they can make an informed choice whether to participate in the investigation against them. Therefore, if the detainee has exercised his s. 10 Charter right to counsel, he will presumably have been informed of his right to remain silent, and the overall significance of the caution may be somewhat diminished. Where the suspect has not consulted with counsel, however, the police caution becomes all the more important as a factor in answering the ultimate question of voluntariness (R. v. Singh, 2007 SCC48, para. 33). Ascertaining the direct nexus between an individual and an offence, where investigative detention is required, may result from a police-initiated stop. Critically, since an offence has been established, the investigation would be initially recorded in the records management system (RMS) as an on-view call for service, not a street check, even if the initial reason for the stop was to conduct a street check (BC-PRIME, 2015). Creating an on-view call for service, with an associated general occurrence, indicates that an investigation was initiated by a police officer who was at the scene, rather than because of a request from the public (PRIME-BC, 2015). Within the general occurrence, the officer can record the reason for the initial stop and provide details on the transition to investigative detention. The officers can also document their intended next steps of the investigation, including a Report to Crown Counsel (RTCC) requesting charge approval (PRIME-BC, 2015). Reasonable Grounds and Arrest Common law requires that investigative detention, based on reasonable suspicion, must be brief, and that the individual must be aware that they have the right to remain silent and the 7 right to counsel (R. v. Mann, 2004; R. v. Singh, 2007). The power to arrest extends beyond case law and is included in the Criminal Code. Based on reasonable grounds, section 495(1) authorizes a peace officer to arrest an individual without a warrant whom they believe has committed or is about to commit an indictable offence, or a person who is in the process of committing a criminal offence, including a summary conviction offence. The reasonable grounds must be objective and be able to be established by a reasonable person in a police officer’s place (Government of Canada, 2019; R. v. MacKenzie, 2013 SCC 50). Additionally, the reasonable grounds standard “must be interpreted contextually, having regard to the circumstances in their entirety, including the timing involved, the events leading up to the arrest both immediate and over time, and the dynamics at play in the arrest, and context includes the experience and training of the arresting officer” (R. v. Nguyen, 2010 ABCA 146, para. 18, as cited in R. v. Chapman, 2020 SKCA 11, para. 56). This standard requires more than suspicion, but less than proof on the balance of probabilities. Moreover, the police are not required to have established a prima facie case for conviction (R. v. Nguyen, 2010; R. v. Storrey, 1990). On the continuum of police interaction, arrest on reasonable and probable grounds progresses as the next step from investigative detention. If the exchange was initiated by police and advanced to a requirement to arrest, the contact would also be recorded as an on-view call for service and transition into a general occurrence (PRIME-BC, 2015). The file would capture the reasonable and probable grounds and establish the next steps of the investigation. 8 Continuum Summary Police interactions are supported and guided through provincial and federal legislation, in addition to Supreme Court of Canada and other appeal Courts’ case law (BC Motor Vehicle Act, 1996; Criminal Code, 1985; R. v. Chehil, 2013; R. v. Grant, 2009; R. v. MacKenzie; 2013; R. v. Mann, 2004; R. v. Nguyen, 2010; R. v. Singh, 2007; R. v. Storrey, 1990). Although legislation and case law are complex, police-initiated stops, when conducted according to policies and procedures, are lawful. Albeit a simplistic overview, Table 1 offers a snapshot of the continuum of police interactions, including reasons for engagement, current records management file types, required communication, and legislative references. 9 Continuum of Police Interactions Neutral Engagement Reasonable Suspicion Without Detention  Investigation of an offence(s) Reason for Interaction  Well-being, community connection, providing information for crime prevention purposes, gathering information in response to a call(s) for service (including from victims and witnesses)  Street Check  Street Check Reasonable Suspicion and Investigative Detention  Investigation of an offence(s) with a threat to public/police safety and/or to continue investigation  On-view call for service, and associated general occurrence Communication  Reason for Caution: Warning: Requirements interaction  Reason for  Reason for interaction interaction  Ensure any information  Interaction  Information gathered is and information gathered is voluntary gathered is voluntary voluntary  Right to counsel Legal Reference  BC Police  BC Police  BC Police Standards Standards Standards (2019) (2019) (2019)  Common Law  Common Law (Regina v. (Regina v. Chehil, Regina v. Chehil, Regina v. Grant, Regina v. Grant, Regina v. Mann, Regina v. Mann, Regina v. Singh) Singh) Table 1 Continuum of Police Interactions Current Records Management System Occurrence Type Reasonable Grounds and Arrest  With warrant (endorsed/unendorsed)  Without warrant (threat to public/police safety, continue investigation)  On-view call for service, and associated general occurrence Warning:  Reason for interaction  Information gathered is voluntary  Right to counsel  Criminal Code of Canada (1985)  Common Law (Regina v. MacKenzie, Regina v. Nguyen, Regina v. Storrey) 10 Policies and Practices The debate on the effectiveness and potential harm of police-initiated stops extends beyond the law, where the government and police agencies nationally and internationally have modified their policies and practices in response to allegations of racial profiling and arbitrary interactions (Government of British Columbia, 2019; Qureshi & Grove, 2013; Scheindlin, 2017; Tulloch, 2018). Some jurisdictions have restricted police authorities, while others have prohibited some types of police stops, such as in Nova Scotia, Canada (Globe and Mail, 2019). Studies focusing on the potential effectiveness and harms of police stops have typically concentrated on specific types in isolation, such as traffic stops, (Williams & Stahl, 2008), and there is limited research studying the various results of police stops in Canada. However, some governments and police agencies, especially in Canada, have modified their policies and practices on police stops based on studies examining exclusively street check data, which is just one outcome of officer-generated interactions. Police-initiated stop practices nationally and internationally generally follow the same continuum of engagement; however, the terms and place along the continuum differ (see Figure 2). In the United Kingdom, police practiced stop and search procedures when officers believed an individual was involved in crime, and that a search of the individual would yield weapons or stolen property (Qureshi & Grove, 2013). Likewise, the United States engaged in stop and frisk1 practices, where individuals who were believed to have committed or were about to commit a crime, were questioned and, in some instances, frisked for officer safety 1 In the context of the United States, a ‘frisk’ was defined by Terry jurisprudence as a short pat-down of an individual’s outer clothing to assess risk (Bandes et al., 2019). 11 purposes (Inbau & Thompson, 1968). In Canada, the focus of debate has centred on street checks, where officers stop an individual to collect information, often due to suspicious circumstances (Cohen et al., 2014). In Eastern Canada, the practice of street checks also became known as carding, which originated in Toronto when police issued ‘208 cards 2’ intended to record information and “get to know the community”, according to Chief Bill Blair (Meng, 2017, p. 7). In practice, the Honourable Mr. Justice Tulloch, in his Report of the Independent Street Checks Review in Ontario, suggested that street checks differed from carding in that the former required an articulable basis for the stop, while the latter was random (Tulloch, 2018). Additionally, he stressed that while street checks may be an effective police intelligence strategy, carding may perpetuate deviant behaviour (Tulloch, 2018). Although the true practice of carding was exclusive to Toronto, the negative connotation resulting from an arguably discriminatory practice spread to the west coast (Little, 2020). However, the current BC Policing Standards prohibit arbitrary police stops (Government of British Columbia, 2019b). Stop and Search Stop and Frisk Street Checks Carding Neutral Engagement Reasonable Suspicion Without Detention Reasonable Suspicion and Investigative Detention Reasonable Grounds and Arrest Figure 2 Continuum of Police Interactions with Practices 2 208 ‘Field Information Reports’ were filled out by Toronto Police officers to record information on persons and vehicles during the course of their duties (Meng, 2017). 12 International – Stop and Search Internationally, stop and search encompasses a range of police-initiated interactions with the public. Following along the same continuum of police encounters (see Figure 1), officers engage in non-statutory interactions meant to assist or hold individuals to account (Miller et al., 2020). Additionally, police engage in statutory stops, such as vehicle checks, where individuals are detained and searched for weapons or stolen property. The study of police stops, and subsequent criticism are generally focused on the detention and search of individuals (Martin, 2016; Miller et al., 2020; Qureshi & Grove, 2013). Britain In Britain, police stops are governed under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act of 1984 and have become a vital crime reduction strategy (Qureshi & Grove, 2013). Subsections 1 to 7 outline the stop and search guidelines and require that a police officer have reasonable grounds to suspect that the individual is in possession of stolen goods or prohibited weapons (Martin, 2016). Police officers must also provide their name, station, and reason for the search to the subject. Despite these regulations, there has been criticism over policing powers that allow officers to focus on ethnic minorities (Qureshi & Grove, 2013). Since the late 1980s, police stops in Britain have decreased, especially after the government launched an inquiry into the racially motivated murder of Stephen Lawrence based on allegations of systemic racism within the police service3 (Qureshi & Grove, 2013). Based on the Crime Survey for England and Wales Stephen Lawrence was stabbed to death on April 22, 1993, by a group of white youth. The Public Complaints Authority (PCA) engaged with the Kent Police to review the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS), who criticized many aspects of the investigation. 3 13 (CSEW), there were 328.7 stops conducted per 1,000 population in 1988, which decreased to slightly more than 250 stops per 1,000 population one decade later (Qureshi & Grove, 2013). The review examining allegations of systemic racism resulted in several recommendations to enhance minority ethnic communities' relationships and curb racial prejudice within the police force (Cook et al., 1999). Sir William MacPherson suggested that a racist incident is defined only by the subject, and that police departments must improve their recording and response to the allegations. Additionally, he recommended that police departments should reflect the community they serve. To that end, police departments should focus on diversity within the ranks. Sir William MacPherson also provided suggestions to enhance the relationships with victim’s families and improve investigations of hate crimes (MacPherson, 1999). Although Britain experienced a reduction in stops after the inquiry, measures of disproportionality have increased (Shiner et al., 2019). In an analysis of over 8,000 stops, the 2017 PEEL annual assessment of police forces in England and Wales found that, although most searches involving drugs were based on reasonable grounds, the find-rate differed by ethnic groups (HMICFRS, 2018). The Inspectorate suggested that relying on a drug found rate was one of the most valid methods of measuring the effectiveness of police stops and demonstrated the accuracy of officer’s suspicions (HMICFRS, 2018). However, researchers and the London Ministry of Justice (2017) argued that differences amongst ethnic groups does not equate to discrimination (Shiner et al., 2019). Although disproportionality may involve individual incidents of racism, it may also be due to apparently neutral policies and procedures that engage some groups differently than others. Shiner et al. (2019) suggested that this approach can be defined 14 as part of ‘institutional racism’. Therefore, Shiner et al. (2019) recommended evaluating a community’s ‘available population’, rather than resident population, to better explain disproportionality, even if it does not negate racism. United States In 1964, New York incorporated street checks into the city's Code of Criminal Procedure as a method of temporarily detaining individuals to gather information (Kuh, 1964). Like Canada's laws on detention, section 180-a allowed a police officer to stop someone they believed is committing, has committed, or was about to commit a felony (N.Y. Code Crim. Proc., s.180-a). However, the Code of Criminal Procedure extended the authority of the police to demand personal information from the individual. If the officer felt that they were in danger, they were permitted to search the individual for weapons or anything that could constitute a crime (Kuh, 1965). Then, in 1968, in the case of Terry v. Ohio 392 U.S. 1, the Supreme Court of the United States upheld the constitutionality of stop and search procedures offering police the authority to stop an individual they reasonably believed was committing an offence and frisking them if it was deemed necessary for the safety of the officer or other citizens (Inbau & Thompson, 1968). The debate over police authorities followed suit, where it was viewed as an instrumental tool for detecting and preventing crime. Still, it was also recognized that this authority could be abused by corrupt police officers (Bellin, 2014; Bandes et al., 2019). Inbau and Thompson (1968) acknowledged that if this police power was abused, it could weaken the police-public relationship, especially in areas with already experienced strain. The legal discussion resulting from Terry v. Ohio focused on physical searches as they related to crime prevention and detection versus the interference this action posed to 15 individual rights (Bandes et al., 2019). In New York, the stop and frisk approach may have influenced the reduction in both crime and incarceration; however, it has been argued that this approach put people through scrutiny that resembled a prison setting (Bellin, 2014). In what became known as Terry Stops, researchers argued that frisking the public causes psychological and emotional harms and may interfere with police investigations (Bandes et al., 2019; Torres, 2015). Additionally, Bandes et al. (2019) pointed out that constitutional law is framed to limit governmental action, rather than suggesting what police should do to ensure their behaviour is worth the harm they may cause to the community. Terry Stops began as an officer safety measure but have arguably transitioned into crime control (Torres, 2015). Wilson and Kelling’s (1982) “broken windows” theory argued that crime and disorder were directly linked and suggested that law enforcement should focus on rundown neighbourhoods to prevent violent crime (Wilson & Kelling, 1982) The result was greater police enforcement in low-income areas. Quite literally, Wilson and Kelling (1982) claimed that if one broken window in a building is left unfixed, the remaining windows would quickly be broken. In effect, Wilson and Kelling (1982) argued that social disorganization contributed to increases in crime, deviance, and delinquency. The ‘broken windows’ theory provided an opportunity for police agencies to adopt a tougher approach to crime control demonstrated in stop and frisk practices, especially in areas experiencing prostitution and pan-handling (Torres, 2015). In New York City, during the 1990s, this law enforcement style became known as “quality-of-life policing”, where officers were focused on low-level disorder and preventing gun violence. The use of stop and search procedures produced racial and ethnic inequalities and, by 1999, New York Attorney General 16 Elliott Spitzer required an overhaul of police stop procedures based on the racial disparities and the lack of stops that resulted in arrest (Torres, 2015). In spite of the recognition to transform police stop practices in New York City, the disproportionate checks of non-white individuals continued (Levchak, 2021). Police stops increased from 97,296 in 2001 to 685,724 by 2011 (Levchak, 2021). Although a portion of the growth was attributed to increased documentation, the data still revealed a disproportionate number of checks involving non-whites, totaling 90% of all stops (Levchak, 2021). In 2013, the courts deemed the stop and frisk strategy unconstitutional in Floyd v. City of New York, confirming the systemic practice of stopping and frisking Latino and black individuals without reasonable suspicion (Levchak, 2021; Scheindlin, 2017). As a result, NYPD experienced a significant reduction in the number of stops they conducted (New York Civil Liberties Union, 2019; Torres, 2015). Moreover, this decision forced other jurisdictions that had adopted their approach to evaluate their police strategies (Bellin, 2014). Researchers argued that, while the traditional stop and frisk procedures violated an individual’s 4 th amendment rights to be protected against unreasonable searches, police agencies should explore other methods of interacting with the public (Gau, 2013; Torres, 2015). For example, Torres suggested further research be conducted on consensual encounters, where police explain an individual’s rights and any interaction is considered voluntary (2015). Recent research into the law and police stop and frisk practices in the United States demonstrated continued discriminatory practices post-Floyd (Bandes et al., 2019; Garrett & Slobogin, 2020). Garrett and Slobogin (2020) argued that a disproportionate number of police interactions with Black individuals, other minorities, and the poor was evident at all levels of 17 policing across the United States. While the Constitution offered citizens protection from unreasonable search and seizures, researchers argued that it simultaneously provided police with tremendous discretion to stop people and use force (Bandes et al., 2019; Garrett & Slobogin, 2020). Additionally, the test used to determine if a stop and search was unconstitutional was applied to individual police and public interactions and failed to account for harms to communities over time (Bandes et al., 2019). Researchers claimed that the current state of stop and frisk procedures across the United States have a negative effect on deterrence, compliance, and cooperation with the community (Bandes et al., 2019). Canada While the policy and practice changes in the United States have similarities to those in Canada, where the focus has shifted from law enforcement effectiveness to the psychological and emotional effects of police stops on community members, there are considerable differences between the practices in these two countries. Notably, all individuals present in Canada are afforded the rights and protections afforded by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) in their interactions with the police and government. The focus of much of the criticism in the United States was on search procedures occurring once an individual was detained. In Canada, street checks have been supported by law as brief stops where an individual does not feel psychologically or physically restrained (R. v. Mann, 2004; R. v. Grant, 2009). Despite the existence of constitutional rights, targeting methods, including locations and individuals pursued, have resulted in claims of racist and discriminatory practices leading to recent policy changes across Canada (Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019). 18 Nova Scotia – A complete ban In 2017, the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission directed an inquiry into street checks and their relationship with race in the Halifax region of Nova Scotia (Wortley, 2019). Based on consultation with stakeholders and an analysis of street check data, a series of recommendations were suggested related to human resource management of police personnel, including additional training, increased hiring of minority groups, and a returned focus to community-level policing. Several participants also requested a complete ban of street checks to ensure that racial profiling did not occur. The report provided the benefits and limitations of introducing a complete ban on street checks; however, did not offer the benefits to continuing the practice (Wortley, 2019). Wortley (2019) suggested that a ban on street checks would be considered a symbolic message that addressed the concerns of the Black community, and would confirm that, at least sometimes, the practice was illegal. Wortley (2019) also emphasized the negative effects of failing to institute a total ban, including how continuing street checks would be received and perceived by the Black community. Additionally, while Wortley reported that police officers and some of the public viewed street checks as an effective crime fighting tool, he suggested a ban would not significantly affect local crime rates. Finally, when referring to the limitations of a ban on street checks, Wortley reported that stopping this process would not prevent police stops in general but only stop recording non-criminal interactions (Wortley, 2019). Based on the research results and a legal opinion provided by Retired Justice Michael MacDonald based on the Supreme Court of Canada's decision in Fleming v. Ontario (2019) that concluded that street checks were effectually illegal because they are not reasonably necessary 19 (MacDonald, 2019), Nova Scotia Justice Minister Mark Furey instituted a complete ban on street checks. However, MacDonald acknowledged that police still had the authority to engage individuals when inquiring into suspicious activity (Ray, 2019). As of March 2021, the Nova Scotia Standing Committee on Community Services was consulting with community advocates on the overrepresentation of Black and Indigenous people in the justice system, including their overrepresentation in police stops due to the exception allowing police to question individuals based on suspicion (Laroche, 2021). Ontario – Provincial Regulations In Ontario, street checks were initially relied upon to gather information from individuals that the police suspected were involved in crime (Tulloch, 2018). Over time, the practice transitioned to carding, which involve those who were not necessarily suspected of being involved in crime. (Tulloch, 2018). Supporters of carding argued that his police strategy deterred crime; however, the potential adverse effects, including the mental and physical health of those checked, needed to be considered in assessing the utility of this strategy (Meng, 2017). In response to the arbitrary police practice, the Government of Ontario filed Regulation 58/16 in the Police Services Act in 2016 (Tulloch, 2018). The regulations set guidelines for the collection of identifying information when police believe an offence has or might be committed, to identify offences under suspicious circumstances, and to gather information for intelligence purposes (Ontario Police Services Act, 2017). The regulations do not apply when other lawful detention circumstances arise, including arrest with or without a warrant. To address the concerns regarding police discrimination and racial profiling, the regulations outlined the supported circumstances in which a police officer can street check an 20 individual based on race (Ontario Police Services Act, 2017). To collect information based on a racialized group, a police officer must be seeking that specific individual, or the officer must have additional information, such as a suspect’s description beyond race. These reasons for the check must then be provided to the individual, and the subject must be informed that they are not required to provide any identifying information. On completion of the check, a receipt of the interaction must be offered to the individual, and the reason for the check must be documented in the records management system (Ontario Police Services Act, 2017). By 2017, Ontario had initiated an independent review of the regulations, which was completed in 2018 by the Honourable M. Tulloch (2018). Several recommendations were made that modified the regulations to provide additional clarity and guidelines to officers and to enhance the training and reporting requirements related to street checks (Tulloch, 2018). To date, the recommendations have not been implemented, and there have been no changes made to Regulation 58/16 of the Police Services Act. Many of the regulations and recommended modifications, including the circumstances under which officers can interact with individuals, the required communication between the parties, and the reporting mechanisms, should be considered for policy transfer to British Columbia. For example, Tulloch recommended that the Ontario regulations include a provision to request identifying passengers' information during vehicle stops when the passenger is not in violation of any legislation (Tulloch, 2018). That gap exists in British Columbia, where the obligations under the Motor Vehicle Act only refer to the driver of the vehicle (RSBC 1996). 21 Alberta In recent years, street check practices in Alberta, specifically by the Edmonton Police Service, have received criticism related to concerns of racism and discrimination (Griffiths et al., 2018). As is the case in other Canadian cities and police agencies, street check data in Edmonton reflected an overrepresentation of specific minority ethnicities compared to the general population (Griffiths et al., 2018). In 2017, the Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner of Alberta communicated concerns about the use of street checks and the public’s belief that they disproportionately affected minority groups (Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner of Alberta, 2017). Also in 2017, the Alberta government initiated a public consultation process to engage community organizations to gain perspectives on street checks (Huncar, 2017). The goal was to contact roughly 100 organizations to collect in-person and written views; however, only 16 out of the total 120 organizations replied (Maimann, 2019). Of note, no results of any evaluations appear to be publicly available. Additionally, in 2018, research on street checks in Edmonton was prepared for the Edmonton Police Commission that consisted of a review of street checks from 2017, interviews with Edmonton Police Service personnel and community stakeholder representatives, field observations from ride-alongs, and an evaluation of training and policy materials (Griffiths et al., 2018). Based on the multi-method approach, Griffiths et al. (2018) concluded that there was considerable confusion amongst the public on the different types of police stops and the rights of those who were checked. While there was support of particular stops, including for wellbeing and investigative purposes, some participants shared experiences of feeling disrespected during police interactions. The researchers considered various outcomes for policy changes, 22 including banning the practice of street checks; however, they argued that street checks promoted public safety if conducted properly. They recommended that the police officers provide articulated reasons for the check and documentation of public and police experiences. Griffiths et al. (2018) believed capturing this information would improve communication and limit police opportunities to engage in racist behaviour. In 2020, based on the perspectives gained by the community consultations, further discussions with the Alberta Association of Chiefs of Police, and recommendations provided by Griffiths et al. (2018), Alberta issued provincial guidelines that stipulated procedures for collecting personal information from police stops (Alberta Justice and Solicitor General, 2020). The guidelines prohibited arbitrary questioning of individuals and outlined the circumstances under which officers were permitted to request and record personal information. Based on these new guidelines, police from all agencies in Alberta may request personal information when performing crime prevention activities, to gather criminal intelligence related to suspected illegal activities, to inquire into known or possible criminal offenses, and to investigate suspicious circumstances. The guidelines required officers to provide the reason for the check in all instances, to instruct the individual that they are free to leave, and any information provided is voluntary (Alberta Justice and Solicitor General, 2020). Current Policy in British Columbia In response to the BC Commission of Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and girls, and issues raised by civil liberty groups, amongst others, in 2018, the Provincial Government engaged in a public consultation on the inclusion of bias-free policing guidelines into the police standards (BC Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2018). Recognizing 23 that police street checks are governed through case law, human rights legislation, and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the survey asked participants whether they believed BC should follow other provincial governments by standardizing police stop practices. While 55% of respondents strongly agreed or agreed that it would be essential to include street checks in the Police Standards, there were only a total of 231 individuals who completed the online questionnaire (BC Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2018). Not only is a sample size of 231 responses out of over five million BC residents very limiting, but the method of response was also concerning. Relying only on online questionnaires may exclude certain populations, including the elderly and those living without access to the internet. In the case of police stops specifically, this outreach method would likely miss a vulnerable sector, who are homeless, and potentially more likely to interact with police officers (Griffiths et al., 2018). The research limitations were not addressed in the resulting report and the BC Government relied on the results to “ensure that the guiding principles and standards reflect the needs and interest of all British Columbians” (BC Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2018, p. 25). Also, in 2018, the Vancouver Police Department released statistics related to their street checks that resulted in a complaint to the Office of the Police Complain Commission by the Union of BC Indian Chiefs and the BC Civil Liberties Association (Vancouver Police Department, 2018). Like other jurisdictions, the complaint was based on the disproportionate number of minorities included in the street check data, specifically Indigenous and Black people. In response, the Vancouver Police Department conducted a review of their street checks and policy concluding that there was no statistical basis for a conclusion of systemic racism, and that their street check practice was in response to identified hotspot areas to support crime 24 reduction activities (Vancouver Police Department, 2018). The Vancouver Police Department argued that the overrepresentation of certain ethnic groups was not due to arbitrary checks, but rather associated to “broader socioeconomic disadvantages” (Vancouver Police Department, 2018, p. 9). The review provided recommendations including transitioning street check standards into policy, providing additional training to officers, offering regular reports on street checks to the public, and establishing a new category in the records management system for checks that are conducted to ensure an individual’s safety (Vancouver Police Department, 2018). The Police Board accepted the recommendations, and also ordered an external review, which was completed in December 2019. Through an assessment of the lived experiences of community members, organizations, and police throughout Vancouver, Montgomery et al. (2019) found differences in the focus of police stop experiences. Police viewed the street checks as a helpful tool to meet their crime prevention and reduction objectives, while community members emphasized the historical racism, oppression, and trauma they experienced through police interactions (Montgomery et al., 2019). In effect, participant concerns were not centred on the legalities of police stops, but rather the behaviours and attitudes held by police when encountering vulnerable people. Due to the negative interactions, the public challenged whether the benefits of street checks outweighed the harm to the community (Montgomery et al., 2019). Based on the quantitative and qualitative research conducted by Montgomery et al. (2019), several recommendations were provided to the Vancouver Police Board, including policy and practice guidelines. Specifically, researchers recommended that a dialogue be initiated with all stakeholders, including police and community partners, to support a common 25 understanding of street check practices (Montgomery et al., 2019). Additionally, several training recommendations were provided, including specific courses to be developed and administered by the Justice Institute of BC (JIBC) (Montgomery et al., 2019). Montgomery et al. (2019) also suggested changes to the records management system and policies relating to collecting and reporting personal information. By January 2021, the Vancouver Police Department had met 21 of the 34 recommendations provided by Montgomery et al. (2019), and were committed to completing the remaining by the end of 2021 (Vancouver Police Department, 2021). In January 2020, guidelines for “Police Stops” were included in the Provincial Policing Standards focused on bias-free policing and legal authorities for police to stop individuals and gather information (Government of British Columbia, 2019). Since the introduction of the standards, police departments throughout the Province have established internal policies and guidelines to support the overarching standards. Although there was likely informal coordination between some agencies, there was no formal process whereby agencies ensured consistency in their application of the standards. The new BC Policing Standards specific to police stops offer policy guidance for agencies across the province intending to eliminate random and arbitrary stops, and limiting opportunity for individual rights infringements (Government of British Columbia, 2019). Within the Standards, there are two subsets of circumstances where officers can interact with individuals resulting in the request for personal information. The first relies on existing legal authorities, such as the BC Motor Vehicle Act, that stipulates the rights offered to police officers to conduct stops. The second category focuses on the needs of the individual who is stopped and provides 26 officers the permission to assist in locating a missing person or interact with them out of a concern for an individual’s safety. Under these guidelines, officers can request personal information if they communicate that any information provided is voluntary and that the person is free to end the interaction and leave (Government of British Columbia, 2019). Although the language contained in the new BC Standards for police stops is clear and concise, it leaves room for interpretation and inconsistent application. Rather than stating what policing must include in their local policy, the Standards suggest that “written policy may also permit interactions…” (Government of British Columbia, 2019, p. 2). While there is a benefit to allowing departments to apply a policy that may best serve their organization and community, the room for interpretation threatens a consistent approach to police stops in BC. Policies and Practices Summary Over the past 20 years, there have been significant changes to street check policies and practices in Britain, the United States, and Canada. The limitations introduced to police departments restricted the use of arbitrary stops and either provided precise circumstances under which stops could be conducted or, in the case of Nova Scotia, completely prohibited the practice. There is limited research that has empirically demonstrated the related outcomes as a result of the decrease in police stops; however, quantitative and qualitative studies have highlighted potential benefits and risks to continuing the practice (Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019; Tulloch, 2018; Wortley, 2019). Research on Police Stops The development of police stop policy and practice has typically relied on two factors: legislation and effectiveness (Telep & Weisburd, 2012; Tyler et al., 2014). The standard features 27 used to evaluate the effectiveness of police stops are whether the actions were lawful and if they resulted in apprehending criminals (Telep & Weisburd, 2012; Tyler et al., 2014). While Canadian legislation and case law support non-arbitrary stops under specific circumstances, there has been debate over the effectiveness and the harm police stops have on the public, primarily when perceived as discriminatory practices. Only focusing on the law fails to incorporate police behaviour and the effects of this behaviour on the communities the police serve. The following section summarizes the literature on police-initiated stops regarding the benefits and challenges of the practices. Benefits Crime Reduction and Intelligence-Led Policing Street checks have been adopted as a vital crime reduction and intelligence-led policing strategy. Street checks allow for police to make recorded contact with individuals where other means are not available. Research conducted by the University of Utah correlated the 2016 homicide spike in Chicago to the substantial decline in stop and frisks conducted by police (Cassell & Fowles, 2018). Based on regression equations, Cassell and Fowles (2018) concluded that roughly 1,115 additional shootings occurred, and 236 additional victims were killed in 2016 due to the fewer stop and frisks. Prohibiting the practice of street checks may introduce an intelligence gap in law enforcement. An unintended consequence would be the lack of information available to investigators and analysts that help solve crimes. A detail that, on its own, appears insignificant, can function as the linkage between entities, including people, places, and occurrences (Montgomery et al., 2019). In Eliminating Crime: The 7 Essential Principles of Police-based Crime 28 Reduction, Cohen et al. (2014) provided an example where a local crime analyst relied on the information contained within a street check record, including person description, date, time, and location, to link a recent series of theft from auto occurrences. Gathering Information Street checks also allow contact with a more vulnerable population. The Vancouver Police Department relied on street checks for proactive purposes and reported that 53% of the Indigenous females that were contacted were previously subject to a missing persons investigation (Vancouver Police Department, 2018, p.2). Therefore, capturing details of an interaction, including circumstances and descriptions, may provide investigational avenues for the future. A review of Edmonton Police Service street checks found that officers and an at-risk youth supervisor reported the usefulness of street check information in locating people reported as missing (Griffiths et al., 2018). Additionally, the Edmonton Police Service's missing persons unit reported relying on street checks as a first step of every investigation. In some cases, the information contained within the street check resulted in a quick conclusion, while, in others, the entity information provided investigators with additional contacts who had not already been interviewed (Griffiths et al., 2018). Street checks provide officers with the opportunity to assess an individual’s needs and offer community support referrals where available. Edmonton Police Service officers noted that street checks offered the chance to connect with marginalized and vulnerable people and check their well-being (Griffiths et al., 2018). These positive contact opportunities would be eliminated if a street check ban were imposed, and officers may refrain from offering their help or may not record their interactions if they do not feel supported. It has been argued that 29 police should not be responsible for conducting well-being checks, rather an investment should be redirected to alternative community-based service providers (Montgomery et al., 2019). However, it has also been recognized that police can play a safety role with individuals who are in distress (Montgomery et al., 2019). Police Legitimacy Police legitimacy can be achieved when “the public views the policing institution as possessing the moral authority to enforce the law and as deserving of respect and compliance” (Gau, 2012, p. 760). Additionally, perceptions of procedural justice specific to police stops occur when those stopped believe they were “for a legitimate reason, treated fairly, and allowed to tell their side of the story, or whether decisions were made via just procedures” (Tyler et al., 2014, p. 758). Researchers have highlighted that police activities shape the public view of legitimacy, even among those not involved in the stop (Tyler et al., 2014). The research indicates that when individuals engage with police who display respect, their view of police legitimacy is heightened (Tyler et al., 2014; Gau, 2012). Beyond their perception of police, individuals who believe in police legitimacy are also more likely to cooperate with the police (Livingston et al., 2013; Tyler et al., 2014). Even amongst individuals who experienced multiple involuntary police stops, the impression was mediated by perceptions of fairness based on the police actions and whether they believed the police acted lawfully (Tyler et al., 2014). Due to increased compliance, researchers have argued that increases in police legitimacy may also reduce crime (Telep & Weisburd, 2012). The positive effects of perceived police legitimacy extend beyond those involved in police stop interactions (Livingston et al., 2013; Tyler et al., 2014). Studies have indicated that those 30 who have observed police stops where the officer demonstrates respect uphold police legitimacy. These interactions may be observed during routine police stops, but also involve other types of calls for service, such as when a stolen vehicle is recovered, a loved-one is transported to the hospital, or a lost child is located (St. Louis & Greene, 2020). These interactions may be viewed as positive, as the police are supporting the community. Importantly, when the public views police as legitimate figures, they are more likely to report offences and participate in crime prevention activities (St. Louis & Greene, 2020; Tyler et al., 2014). Therefore, policies and practices related to police-initiated stops and any other proactive activities should consider the effect these actions have on perceptions of police legitimacy and procedural justice. Challenges Police Legitimacy While respectful police behaviour can enhance police legitimacy and improve compliance, poor behaviour can erode perceived legitimacy and negatively affect law abidingness (Tyer et al., 2014). Police stops perceived to be unfair or unjust may negatively affect the immediate interaction with the individual and reduce the likelihood of their compliance (Tyler et al., 2014). Moreover, the negative interactions may have a longer-lasting effect, such as cynicism about the law, which may contribute to the persistence of criminal behaviour (Papachristos et al., 2012). Additionally, without the consideration of perceptions of legitimacy, police may not succeed with crime reduction strategies that rely on community cooperation and engagement (Tyler & Jackson, 2014). Many intelligence-led policing practices depend on the public’s 31 assistance, including reporting suspicious behaviour and offering evidence, such as surveillance footage. If police legitimacy is eroded at the community level, proactive and prevention practices may suffer (Tyler & Jackson, 2014). Louis and Greene (2019) took a more assertive stance and suggested traditional and current police practices, including ‘evidence-based’ initiatives, have “mobilized community opposition to blunt and aggressive police tactics” (p. 659). Trauma in the Criminal Justice System While police must consider how they behave when conducting self-generated stops, they should also be aware of the potential harm they may cause. What may seem like an innocuous interaction to a mentally healthy police officer may trigger an adverse reaction from an individual due to the perceived threat (Hirschtick et al., 2019). The response by the subject may be perceived by the officer as evasive behaviour, as those who have suffered trauma may avoid eye contact, change the subject of conversation, or fail to express appropriate emotion (Franklin et al., 2020; Rich, 2019). Additionally, any pressure felt by the individual may cause them to fill in any gaps or guess at answers to avoid sharing something they perceive to be shameful or embarrassing (Rich, 2019). The ensuing cycle of negative responses by an individual suffering from a traumatic event and the police's related suspicion may end in either retraumatizing or introducing new trauma during an interaction intended to be a neutral conversation (Rich, 2019). Therefore, police-initiated stops should be carefully considered, taking a trauma-informed approach to reduce the risk of further harm. In Canada, complex and intergenerational trauma has particularly affected Indigenous peoples (Regan & Alfred, 2014; Sinclair, 2016). The residential school program forcibly placed 32 children in colonial schools where they were often physically punished for expressing their culture and speaking Indigenous languages (Sinclair, 2016). Further, Indigenous children were removed from their homes by police in uniforms and subsequently adopted by predominately white, middle-class families during the “Sixties Swoop” (Regan & Alfred, 2014). This intergenerational and complex trauma may also account for the high incarceration rates among Indigenous Canadians (Chartrand, 2019). Understanding the significance of Indigenous history and the continued effect on families throughout Canada must be considered and respected by officers in their attempts to secure public safety. Implicit and Explicit Bias While officer behaviour may influence police legitimacy and the negative effect on individuals who suffer from traumatic experiences, police beliefs and bias must also be addressed. The argued racial profiling practiced by police in Nova Scotia and other Canadian provinces may be influenced by both implicit and explicit bias. Implicit bias involves subconscious attitudes or beliefs that influence an individual’s understanding and response (Parent & Parent, 2018). In policing, officers should make conscious decisions to rely on information and intelligence, and refrain from targeting individuals based solely on physical descriptions involving race, age, or gender (Parent & Parent, 2018). The presence of implicit bias does not necessarily lead to explicit bias, where officers are aware of and act on their beliefs (Daumeyer et al., 2019). Implicit bias training offered to some law enforcement agencies can help prevent associated behaviours as research has suggested that implicit bias training with officers reduces discriminatory behaviour (Price & Payton, 2017). Additionally, policy and documented procedures can also outline organizational expectations 33 and the consequences of discriminatory conduct. For example, the RCMP outlines bias-free policing expectations in the national operational policy manual that prohibits racial profiling and is also reflected in the national street check policy (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2019). In addition to assessing implicit-bias, researchers have also evaluated an alternate hypothesis that explains a counter bias, where officers use less force against racial minorities due to their fear of the consequences (Fridell & Lim, 2016). Evaluating the use of force data involving Black Americans, Fridell and Lim (2016) concluded that both implicit bias and counter bias played a role, and the outcome depended on those involved, the locations of the encounter, and the time. The authors provided training recommendations to ensure the officers did not solely rely on their implicit bias, but also were not afraid to rely on use of force tactics when required. Agencies were encouraged to use scenario-based training that supported a focus on indicators of threat, rather than demographics, in the hopes of improving officer’s confidence (Fridell & Lim, 2016). Civil libertarians have argued that police demonstrate implicit bias in targeting racial minorities (Vancouver Police Department, 2018). Both the New York and Vancouver Police Departments have justified the disproportionate number of minorities involved in police stops by relying on existing crime data to demonstrate consistencies in the ethnic breakdowns amongst those involved in the criminal justice system (Vancouver Police Department, 2018; Vesely-Flad, 2014). Responding to a complaint by the Union of BC Indian Chiefs and the BC Civil Liberties Association on the disproportionate number of Aboriginal people who were street checked, the Vancouver Police Department conducted an analysis that resulted in similar percentages of ethnicities that were street checked compared to those who faced criminal 34 charges. The VPD concluded that street checks were not biased, but a legitimate response to identified hotspot areas to support crime reduction activities (Vancouver Police Department, 2018). Although similar ethnic compositions can be found in both police stop and crime data, the relationship does not necessarily reject the presence of bias in police practices. It introduces the chicken and egg dilemma; is the overrepresentation in street check data of some minority groups due to police response to criminal data sets, including charges, that demonstrate similar disproportionate figures? Or do police discriminate in both street check practices and when determining who to charge, resulting in similar ethnic overrepresentations? The answers to these questions have not been adequately addressed in Nova Scotia, yet the Province reacted to the public outcry and introduced a complete ban. The restrictions included in British Columbia’s police standards reflect a similar reaction (Government of British Columbia, 2019). Limitations in the Existing Research Literature Demographic Data Griffiths, Montgomery, and Murphy’s (2018) study on street checks in Edmonton highlighted the limitations of previous related research, many of which focused on diversity proportions. Following discriminatory police behaviour claims, certain street check studies used descriptive statistics based on the available street check and census data to make comparisons and related conclusions (Rengifo & Fowler, 2015; Wortley, 2019). Studies compared street check population data, including race, gender, and age, with census residence data that often resulted in a disproportionate number of minorities captured in the street check data. The problems with this method of comparison were highlighted by Melchers (2006) and Shiner et 35 al. (2019), who emphasized the potential differences in a community's resident population as recorded in the census and the available population in the community. Of note, only those who hold a permanent address are recorded, omitting those who are homeless or transient (Griffiths et al., 2018). Not only does the census only include residents who report to be residing in each area, but the categories available to report on may not exactly match those reported by police during an interaction (Melchers, 2006). Additionally, as recognized by Statistics Canada, residents' responses reflect their perceptions of their background that can be influenced by their knowledge of family history and the current social environment (Government of Canada, 2020). Although the 2021 Census in Canada will include over 500 examples of ethnic and cultural origins, previous versions mixed descriptions of ethnic origins with race. For example, the 1996 Census included two categories referring to skin colour: white and black. The remaining options for visible minorities were based on geographical origins, such as ‘Southeast Asian’ (Melchers, 2006). Relying on ethnicity or race captured in a records management system is problematic on its own. Like previous versions of the census, typical records management systems include a mixture of race and geographical origins in their list of options to describe an individual's ethnicity. Additionally, officers' perception of ethnicity has been proven to be inconsistent when not confirmed by the subject (U.S. Department of Justice, 2003). The U.S. Department of Justice found low inter-rater reliability in identifying some Detroit Airport travelers (U.S. Department of Justice, 2003). Although concurrence rates were close to 100% for white males and females and for Black and Asian males, it dropped to fewer than half of Hispanic males and 36 approximately 15% for females (U.S. Department of Justice, 2003). Police may be guessing an individual’s ethnicity, which may be perceived differently between officers. Therefore, there are methodological issues with comparing ethnicity data sets, but there are validity concerns relying on even just police records. Street Check Data Recent research into Canadian street checks has expanded the previous focus on quantitative results and has included interviews of stakeholders as well as field observations (Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019; Wortley, 2019). Exploring the community and police officers' experiences allowed researchers to provide context to the street check data that would not otherwise be available. Additionally, researchers identified the limitations of relying on the data requested from police agencies, including the lack of attention by researchers to the quality of the data. Through a manual data review and officer interviews, Griffiths et al. (2018) exposed many occurrences incorrectly recorded as street checks and proactive incidents that were never recorded as street checks. Therefore, relying on street check data at face value appears to be methodologically problematic. Additionally, applying an artificial break in the police-initiated stop continuum by relying only on street check data is also problematic. Researchers typically request street check data from police agencies or rely on secondary data through existing studies or online databases. On the surface, while it is reasonable to assume that relying on only street check data to make conclusions on the effectiveness and potential harm of the interactions is useful, this data only provides a portion of all occurrences that resulted from an officer-generated file. 37 Within the Police Records Information Management Environment (PRIME), an individual can be linked to several types of events, including, but not limited to, calls for service, general occurrences, and street checks. Calls for service are created to document the initial information provided to or created by police (PRIME-BC, 2015). In most instances, this information transitions into a general occurrence (GO), where the information is confirmed and the occurrence is investigated further, if required. Street checks are separate events created by officers to document an interaction with an individual that does not involve an offence. If an exchange starts as a proactive street check, but requires investigation or further action by police, a general occurrence event will be created in place of a street check file. Both occurrences should not be documented (PRIME-BC, 2015). Offence NOT detected Creation of Street Check File Offence detected Creation of On-View Call for Service and General Occurrence Police-Initiated Stop Figure 3 Officer-Initiated Contact RMS Process Typical calls for service records are created when a complainant contacts police to report an incident and request attendance. These are captured in the PRIME RMS and distinguished using the ‘how received’ field. Options in this field include telephone, front desk, amongst others, and help provide information on how the incident was created in the RMS. Alternatively, when an officer self-initiates an occurrence, the ‘how received’ field would indicate the call was made ‘on-view’. These files will often include traffic stops and involve crimes in progress or attending to suspicious circumstances. 38 Therefore, when researchers request only street check data from police departments, they receive and base their analyses and conclusions on only a fraction of available data related to proactive police stops. Not only would the missing information potentially affect the aggregate breakdown of subject demographics, but it also limits the conclusions that can be drawn. Relying only on street check data captures just those interactions that remained neutral and without the officer detecting an offence. It completely misses any interactions that began with the intention of a street check, but resulted in a crime, such as a breach of probation or weapons possession. For example, capturing only street check data would not allow researchers to rely on a drug found-rate, as Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services (HMICFRS) based on the United Kingdom have recommended (HMICFRS, 2018). Including general occurrences with street checks is the only method of capturing all proactive, police-initiated stops so that conclusions can accurately be drawn involving the subjects and circumstances involved. Given this, police agencies should reserve any further decisions regarding police stops until more fulsome and valid research can be conducted using a combination of street check data and on-view calls. Exploratory Analysis Methodology In BC, when an officer conducts a street check, a record is created in the RMS to reflect the reason for the stop, the location of the stop, a description of the circumstances, and any personal information provided by the individual. However, if an officer believes further investigation is warranted during the interaction, such as if drugs, weapons, or stolen property are observed, an on-view call for service and associated general occurrence would be 39 generated. When this occurs, a street check file is not created, as a record of the interaction and related investigation would be captured in the call for service and general occurrence. Therefore, the following data exploration relied on on-view calls for service to determine if there were similarities with street checks and whether the on-view calls should be included in future research to provide a more comprehensive data set on police stops. Prince George, BC Figure 4 Map of Prince George, BC The data exploration was conducted using Prince George RCMP occurrences. According to the 2016 Census Profile, the population of Prince George increased to 86,622 from 84,232 in 2011, with an average of 4.9 people per square kilometre (Statistics Canada, 2017). The total land area for Prince George is 17,686 square kilometres. The average and median age of Prince George residents was 39.4 years old, which is somewhat younger than the average of British Columbia (42.3 years old). In total, 68% of the residents were between the ages of 15 to 64 40 years old, and 17% were aged 0 to 14 years old. Both age groups were higher than that of all of British Columbia. The median total income of Prince George residents was $38,108 compared to $33,012 for the rest of British Columbia. The employment rate was also higher in Prince George, at 62.8%, compared to British Columbia at 59.6%. In total, 15% of Prince George residents identified as Aboriginal, while 8% identified as a non-Aboriginal visible minority (Statistics Canada, 2017). Prince George RCMP serves the city and rural areas of Prince George, in addition to Hixon and the Shelley First Nations Reserve. Serving the municipal area of Prince George is an authorized strength of 142 police officers and a population to cop ratio of 573 (Government of British Columbia, 2019c). Based on municipalities in BC with a population greater than 15,000 residents, Prince George has the third lowest population to cop ratio, only greater than Langley City and Port Alberni (Government of British Columbia, 2019c). In 2019, the municipal area experienced 19,039 criminal code offences, and each officer maintained an average case load of 134 occurrences. The total costs associated with the Prince George municipal RCMP was $28,594,776; an average cost per capita of $352. (Government of British Columbia, 2019c). Additionally, in the rural areas of Prince George, the RCMP serves residents with an authorized strength of 7 officers. In 2019, the rural areas experienced 685 criminal code offences, where officers managed an average caseload of 98 occurrences (Government of British Columbia, 2019c). The purpose of choosing Prince George RCMP for this exploratory analysis was due to the area’s representation of a mid-size city. Prince George has a downtown business core, surrounded by residential neighbourhoods that transition into rural areas. Additionally, 41 studying the city allows for a slightly isolated data set, where the data will not likely incorporate other police agencies due to its distance from other populated areas. In contrast, choosing a city in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia may have been challenging to isolate the data. Rather, any city in the Lower Mainland will have neighbouring jurisdictional data and regional teams, such as the Integrated Homicide Investigation Team (IHIT). Data Analysis For the purpose of the data exploration, data was requested from the "E" Division RCMP, including all 2019 Prince George RCMP general occurrences, street checks, and on-view calls for service, with the corresponding location information. Additionally, all persons linked to the street check files were included, as were persons connected to the general occurrences. Finally, the five-year police contact history for each of the unique individuals included in the dataset was requested. The data was anonymized and provided in a Microsoft Excel format. The general occurrences resulting from on-view calls for service were mapped, along with the street checks, using the XY coordinates. Relying on the shapefiles, hotspots were created to emphasize each occurrence type's geographic concentrations using a bandwidth of 1,638 meters and an output cell size of 10 meters. Within ArcGIS, the bandwidth is the search radius and output cell size controls the area covered (Environmental Systems Research Institute, 2016). After comparing several bandwidth and output cell size options, these control settings were chosen due to the accurate and useable depiction of the point density. Larger bandwidth and cell sizes increased the extent causing exaggerated concentrations, while smaller settings resulted in several small clusters that would have been more difficult to compare. 42 Based on the hotspots results, contours were developed to highlight the centre core of each density set at 15% of the area (see Figure 5). Relying on the ArcGIS contour tool, the contour level was increased and decreased to evaluate the placement over the hotspot layer. An increased percentage included a greater hotspot area, while a reduced percentage significantly limited the geographic area. A contour of 15% was chosen due to its intersection with the core of the hotspot and was subsequently used for each of the four hotspots to ensure consistency and allow for comparisons. Figure 5 Hotspot Contour Using select by location, the occurrences within the on-view calls and street check contours were extracted for further analysis, including comparisons of the geographic and temporal aspects, and the people attributed to each file. The street check data was manually reviewed to include a start time for all occurrences based on the time included in the synopsis, as 231 out of the 281 files within the contour did not have a recorded start time. 43 Results In 2019, the Prince George RCMP responded to a total of 48,933 calls for service, 3,235 (7 per cent) of which were recorded as being generated on-view. Of those on-view occurrences, 25% resulted in charges, including driving offences, breach of conditions, drug offences, property crime, and violent crime (see Table 2). UCR Types and offence group examples OTHER OCCURRENCES Traffic, Suspicious Occurrences OTHER CC OFFENCES Breach of Conditions, Weapons, Cause Disturbance PROVINCIAL STATUTE OFFENCES Liquor, Cannabis Acts CDSA OFFENCES Drug Possession, Trafficking TRAFFIC OFFENCES Impaired, Prohibited, Dangerous Operation PROPERTY CRIME Possess Stolen Property, Shoplifting, Frauds, B&E, Auto Theft, etc. PERSONS VIOLENT CRIME Assaults, Utter Threats, Sex Offences, etc. FEDERAL STATUTE OFFENCES Breach of Parole Total Table 2 UCR Types resulting in charge submissions Number of Occurrences Resulting in Charges Percent of Total 312 38.2% 214 26.2% 78 9.6% 62 7.6% 56 6.9% 53 6.5% 36 4.4% 6 817 0.7% 100.00% During the same year, Prince George RCMP conducted 1,306 street checks throughout the region. Including only on-view calls and street checks, there were a total of 2,413 unique individuals recorded in these two types of occurrences. Within each data set, there were 1,768 unique individuals linked to on-view calls and 1,104 unique individuals related to street checks. 44 Total 2,413 Unique Individuals On View CFS 1,768 Unique Individuals ONLY On View CFS 1,309 Unique Individuals Street Checks 1,104 Unique Individuals BOTH 459 Unique Individuals ONLY Street Checks 645 Unique Individuals Figure 6 Breakdown of Unique Individuals In total, 459 individuals were recorded on both street checks and on-view calls for service during that period. This left 645 individuals who were only associated with street checks and 1,309 individuals only associated with on-view calls (see Figure 6). Following the concept of a police-initiated stop continuum, the data sets showed that 42% of those who were street checked in 2019 were also associated to on-view calls during the same period. Focussing on the demographics of those associated to on-view calls and those associated to street checks, there were similarities between the proportions of genders, age categories, and ethnicities (see Table 3). Consistent with research on street checks and the broader criminal justice system, those recorded as Indigenous were over-represented (35 per cent) compared to the resident Indigenous population of 15% (Griffiths et al., 2018; Tulloch, 2018; Vancouver Police Department, 2018; Wortley, 2019). Researchers have addressed three potential causes for the disproportionality of Indigenous people in street checks: 1) There is a 45 bias present when officers determine who to check; 2) the available populations, in contrast to the resident populations, include a larger proportion who identify as Indigenous or a different minority group, and 3) the areas targeted by officers have a higher concentration of minority ethnic backgrounds (Griffiths et al., 2018). The purpose of this major paper is not to address whether police stops in Prince George involve police bias or are a result of intelligence-led policing. However, the overrepresentation of minority groups, specifically those recorded as Indigenous, is a concern that must be addressed in further research. On View CFS Street Checks DEMOGRAPHICS Percent of Percent of Count Count Total Total GENDER DIVERSE 1 0.06% 1 0.09% FEMALE 482 27.26% 350 31.70% MALE 1285 72.68% 753 68.21% Total 1768 100.00% 1104 100.00% AGE Children 0-14 9 0.51% 2 0.18% Youth 15-24 285 16.12% 154 13.95% Adult 25-64 1410 79.75% 908 82.25% Seniors 65+ 59 3.34% 39 3.53% (blank) 5 0.28% 1 0.09% Total 1768 100.00% 1104 100.00% ETHNICITY INDIGENOUS 623 35.24% 389 35.24% ASIAN 3 0.17% 1 0.09% BLACK 13 0.74% 7 0.63% CAUCASIAN 1004 56.79% 646 58.51% HISPANIC 5 0.28% 2 0.18% MIDDLE 8 0.45% 3 0.27% EASTERN SOUTH ASIAN 34 1.92% 7 0.63% UNKNOWN 7 0.40% 7 0.63% (blank) 71 4.02% 42 3.80% Grand Total 1768 100.00% 1104 100.00% Table 3 Data Set Demographics 46 Comparing the 5-year police-contact histories of the on-view and street check populations, the Unified Crime Reporting (UCR) offence categories associated with the individuals were very similar. Based on total counts, the groups shared nine out of the top 10 offence types when comparing all founded occurrences and also when filtering for only events where charges were forwarded by investigators. Filtering for charges meant only including the role codes of charged, recommended charged, youth-charged, and youth recommended charged. When comparing the individuals’ charge history, those associated with street checks varied from 0 to 56 incidents resulting in charges within the past five years, with an average of 4.3 incidents resulting in charges per person. Similarly, those associated to on-view calls ranged from 0 to 52 charge incidents resulting in charges, and averaged 5.4 incidents resulting in charges per person. The charge history for those who were street checked compared to those who were recorded on on-view occurrences involved similar percentages of violent and property crime investigations (see Table 4). 47 Event Role = Charged, Recommended Charges UCR Offence Group PERSONS VIOLENT CRIME ASSAULTS ROBBERY SEX OFFENCES UTTER THREATS PROPERTY CRIME AUTO THEFT BREAK & ENTER - BUS BREAK & ENTER - OTH BREAK & ENTER - RES FRAUDS MISCHIEF TO PROPERTY OTHER THEFT U/5000 POSSESS STOLEN PROPERTY SHOPLIFTING THEFT FROM VEHICLE Table 4 Charge Histories On View CFS individuals Street Check individuals Total offences N = 7006 Total offences N = 4786 Count Percent of Total Count Percent of Total 1364 19.47% 870 18.18% 881 12.57% 563 11.76% 132 1.88% 99 2.07% 96 1.37% 34 0.71% 168 2.40% 113 2.36% 1220 25.49% 1481 21.14% 48 1.00% 61 0.87% 117 2.44% 142 2.03% 44 0.92% 54 0.77% 78 1.63% 95 1.36% 102 2.13% 143 2.04% 80 1.67% 137 1.96% 80 1.67% 92 1.31% 191 3.99% 231 3.30% 414 48 8.65% 1.00% 451 53 6.44% 0.76% The percentages of both on-view calls and street checks that occurred within their respective hotspot contour areas were very similar, indicating a consistent concentration pattern throughout Prince George (see Figure 8). In total, there were 1,306 street checks conducted by Prince George RCMP in 2019, 281 (22 per cent) 4 of which occurred within the highlighted street check hotspot contour (see Figure 7). In comparison, there were 3,235 on-view calls initiated by officers during the same period, 730 (23 per cent) of which occurred within the on-view calls hotspot contour. The geographic overlap and level of concentration between the street check Since the hotspot settings, including bandwidth, output cell size, and contour density, were manually assigned for the purpose of data set comparisons, the percentage of interactions included in the contours should not be used to determine whether the practices were intelligence-led without additional data sets and analysis. 4 48 and on-view hotspots were indicative of similar policing strategies relating to locations of interest. Figure 7 On-View Calls and Street Checks Finally, the time of day and day of week frequencies of the street checks resembled those of the on-view calls. The most common times for street checks to occur were on Wednesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays, clustering between 11:00 and 17:00 hours. Similarly, on-view calls were more frequent on Wednesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays between 09:00 and 17:00 hours. Both datasets also had clusters of events during the early hours of Saturday mornings between 02:00 and 03:00 hours. When police-initiated stops are viewed along a continuum, where a street 49 check may progress into an investigation and potentially charges, the temporal frequencies should be similar in both street check and on-view data. It is evident from the data collected from Prince George RCMP street checks and on-view calls that police are self-generating stops during similar days of the week, and times of day. Discussion The purpose of the data analysis was to explore a secondary data set that may provide researchers and policymakers with a more comprehensive view of police-generated interactions with the public. One way to consider the validity of this approach was to identify if there were any substantial differences in the individuals checked, locations frequented by officers, and temporal aspects in the two databases. The similarities between the overall demographics and charge histories of those associated with on-view calls and street check occurrences suggest similar police direction and behaviour. Additionally, the data specific to the on-view and street check concentrations contours also resulted in many similarities, including geographic and temporal attributes. The contours cover the same areas of the city, and the frequency of days of week and time of day were also very alike. The comparisons of the two datasets indicate similar intentions and mirror the flow of the police interactions continuum. If additional areas follow the same trend as the contours in Prince George, researchers may also be neglecting to include roughly three-quarters of the files that may be evaluated in an assessment of police stops. Additionally, only including street check files ignores all occurrences that resulted in charges, which resulted in 25% of events. Not including these occurrences in street check research misses the cases where evidence of an offence was established upon the interaction and changes the narrative. Omitting this data may also result 50 in missing the valuable contributions that police-generated stops make to public safety. However, including this larger set of data may also indicate discriminatory practices by police officers and agencies. Whatever the outcome, incorporating the additional on-view data set provides a more comprehensive understanding of police-generated interactions, including street checks. Governments across Canada, including Nova Scotia, Ontario, Alberta, and British Columbia relied on street check reviews and studies to inform policy decisions (Alberta Justice and Solicitor General, 2020; Globe and Mail, 2019; Government of British Columbia, 2019a; Tulloch, 2018). Although the studies included multi-method approaches, including data analysis, interviews, and occasionally ride-alongs, the police-public data sets were limited to only street checks. However, all policy changes included mention of additional types of engagements, including traffic stops (Alberta Justice and Solicitor General, 2020; Globe and Mail, 2019; Government of British Columbia, 2019a; Tulloch, 2018). Based on the recognition of the fluidity of police-generated interactions, both data sets should be included to understand police practices fully when studying and evaluating the risk and effectiveness of street checks. Data Limitations The purpose of the data analysis was to explore additional datasets for police stop research. Although the analysis achieved the goal of further data and concept considerations, there are several limitations to relying on these particular datasets. The initial limitation that was understood at the onset of the inquiry involved the selection of Prince George. Due to the decision to include only Prince George RCMP occurrences, the results cannot be generalized to other locations. While it was recognized that Prince George shares many attributes with other 51 municipalities of a similar size, it cannot be assumed that the behaviour of the public and police would be the same. Additionally, the temporal parameters set on the data analysis also limited the application and depth of the research. Only one year of data was included in the analysis, which eliminated the ability to compare the police contacts over a more extended period. The initial data comparison involved one year of street checks and on-view calls for service and isolated those associated with only one file type. If the period of time was extended, there may be more crossover between the groups of individuals resulting in greater homogeneity overall. Additionally, relying on charges submitted for incidents that occurred in 2019 may miss ongoing investigations that resulted in charges at a later date. The use of a one-year sample also limited the evaluation of records management over time. For example, it is unknown if there were any changes made to the Prince George records management practices in 2019 that would affect the results and, therefore, the conclusions. Individual units in the RCMP perform Unit Level Quality Assurance (ULQA) reviews, where specific procedures are assessed to determine if officers adequately follow policies (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2014). Any deficiencies that are identified are addressed, often resulting in changes to the unit’s guidelines and procedures. It is unknown if Prince George RCMP recently conducted any ULQAs involving the records management systems; however, relying on only one-year of data limits any comparison of previous practices. An additional limitation that was recognized prior to the start of the analysis was the inability to isolate the on-view calls that resulted from a street check. Although all on-view calls can be categorized as police-initiated occurrences, it is unknown which or how many followed 52 the continuum in that they began with a street check and progressed into an investigation. The file synopsis may indicate whether the officer began their interaction as a street check; however, there is no standard method of recording or retrieving that detail in the on-view database. Finally, since the exploratory analysis relied on the PRIME RMS schema developed by Versaterm, the exact methodology cannot be applied to other police systems, such as the Police Reporting Occurrence System (PROS) used throughout Canada. While there may be a method of extracting police-initiated stops, including street checks and related investigations, the on- call type is specific to Versaterm. As such, the analyses conducted in this major paper can only be applied to agencies that rely on the Versaterm system. Other police agencies outside of British Columbia use Versaterm systems, including Frederickton, Halifax Regional, Durham, York, amongst others; however, many RCMP detachments and federal units rely on PROS (Versaterm, 2021). Recommendations The data analysis suggested that since the street check and on-view calls for service databases were very similar, in terms of individuals checked, locations, and times, they reflected similar police intentions. However, government and police agencies have responded to the conclusions drawn from studies that only considered street check data as the basis for modifying policies and practices or abolishing street checks entirely. In BC, the newly introduced street check policy allows for some interpretation by agencies as to whether a police officer’s actions during a street check are lawful and not arbitrary. Therefore, it is recommended that police agencies consider police stops as a continuum of interactions, and 53 ensure their records management practices, education, training, and oversight reflect that conceptualization. Continued research into the continuum of police stops is also recommended to determine the effectiveness street checks and other interactions have on reducing crime, and the positive and negative effects that these strategies have on the community and publicpolice relationships. In general terms, based on the results of the data analysis, all police agencies in BC should ensure accurate data entry and reporting of all police stops to allow for a constant and consistent assessment of the reasons and outcomes of these practices. Moreover, police should commit to research into police-initiated stops with a view of studying the continuum of police/public interactions. 1. Data entry and reporting Currently, in BC, street checks are recorded in a designated table in the RMS and are not considered Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS) incidents (PRIME-BC, 2015). Although some fields are mandatory, other vital data entries are not and do not auto-populate. An example is the time of the street check that leaves many records without a date stamp. Most officers record the time in the text synopsis; however, this information cannot easily be relied on for reporting or analysis purposes without a manual review of each file. For example, a study of Edmonton street checks conducted by Griffiths et al. (2018) found only 16.5% were completed in compliance with department policies. Since these files are not reported to Statistics Canada, they may not undergo the same quality assurance process as general occurrences. For these reasons, and to ensure there is a reliable method of identifying the stages in the police-initiated stop continuum, it is recommended that a committee of data quality experts 54 evaluate the current records management system. One option that can be explored for future occurrences is to records all police-generated stops as on-view calls for service and then migrate the data to general occurrences. The increase in fields and detail included in the general occurrence table would allow for a more accurate record of police interactions. To identify what was previously captured as a street check file, the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS) field could indicate ‘prevention’, which avoids the file being counted in founded crime statistics by Statistics Canada. Officers could rely on the Unified Crime Reporting (UCR) code that best reflects the reason for engagement, including, but not limited to, the Mental Health Act, Check Well-Being, Assist General Public, Assist Other Agency, and Suspicious Occurrence. A query could then be conducted to isolate the police-generated stops relying on on-view calls for service that migrated to a ‘prevention’ general occurrence. However, if an interaction began as a neutral engagement, but progressed to an investigation, the initial call type and final call type in the initial call for service can be used, along with a corresponding CCJS value. For example, if an officer stopped an individual who was in need of assistance, but learned the individual was in breach of probation conditions, the call for service would be captured as on-view with an initial call type of ‘check well-being’. However, a final case type of ‘breach of probation’ and an associated general occurrence CCJS value of ‘founded’ could be entered into the database. Relying on the initial and final call types, in combination with the CCJS values, will provide analysts with the ability to accurately evaluate and report on the continuum of interactions. In this way, the data will more clearly reflect the reason for the interaction, the type of stop the officer intended to conduct, and the outcome. Not only will the statistics provide police leaders 55 with a more comprehensive understanding of officer’s interactions, but it will support enhanced reporting and transparency to the public and to policymakers. Since the current Provincial Policing Standards require annual reporting of police stop statistics, including various demographic figures, it is imperative that the information entered into the system be as accurate and provide as much context as possible. While introducing a new method of recording police-initiated stops limits data comparisons from previous years, it will support more reliable and valid reporting methods and research on these interactions. The overall numbers of officer-generated calls can still be compared relying on the on-view option; however, differentiating between the types of stops may not be as easy to identify in data from previous years. Data quality experts from various police agencies in BC should review the proposed method of relying on the combination of onview calls, initial versus final case types, and associated CCJS outcomes to ensure it is the best approach. Additionally, other records management systems outside of BC, including PROS, should be evaluated to determine if a similar data entry and analytical methodology can be applied. Identifying a similar approach in PROS will allow for police stop data and practice comparisons throughout Canada. Once a data entry and extraction method has been approved, training should be provided to officers and data quality personnel to ensure accurate data is captured and available for reporting and research purposes. Since the data analysis of street checks and on-view calls conducted by Prince George RCMP demonstrated an over-representation of ethnic minorities, especially those who were identified as Indigenous, it is imperative that police agencies 56 accurately capture all aspects of police interactions, including details on the individuals involved and the circumstances of the stops. Enhanced records management training and practices will also support reporting on police-generated engagements to stakeholders and the public. Any changes to policies and procedures related to police-initiated stops may benefit from robust public consultation to further enhance transparency and accountability allowing citizens to have a voice and a better understanding of the reasons for policy decisions. Additionally, while many provinces require regular reporting of street checks conducted by officers, making street check data publicly available may help bridge communication between police agencies and the public, further supporting transparency and accountability (Vancouver Police Department, 2018), in addition to improving perceptions of police legitimacy and procedural justice (Aston et al., 2021; Saunders & Kilmer, 2019). 2. Future Research The purpose of the data analysis of Prince George street checks and on-view calls was to explore additional datasets and evaluate the primary methodology used in empirical, quantitative street check research. Until now, researchers have understandably relied on street check data to study street checks, and have often conducted interviews of police, partners, additional stakeholders, and community members to provide further context. Most recently, Montgomery et al. (2019) extended their consultation to include field observations on ridealongs with Vancouver police officers. However, the analysis in this major paper demonstrated the potential missing information when examining the risks and effectiveness of street checks. 57 The data presented in this major paper also provided an opportunity to extend the concept of street checks to encompass all police-initiated stops. In Wortley’s (2019) report on Halifax street checks, he admitted that a ban on street checks would not prohibit or limit police stops. In his opinion, a street check ban would only prevent non-criminal stops and the associated collection of information. Based on the data presented in this major paper and Wortley’s (2019) conclusions on police stop practices, combining the data from all policeinitiated stops should provide a more comprehensive understanding of police contacts and help identify areas of concern, such as police use of force, police interactions with diverse communities, and the role of mental health and addictions in police-initiated stops outcomes. Future research on the continuum of police-initiated stops should also include an evaluation of officer training, including education on law, policy, and practice. Previous research into police stops, including the data presented in this major paper, has consistently demonstrated a disproportionate number of minority individuals being checked by officers (Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019; Vancouver Police Department, 2018; Wortley, 2019). Additionally, researchers have documented the negative effects of interactions with police, where a lack of respect towards the public has been shown to decrease confidence in police (Tyler et al., 2014). Therefore, an evaluation of officer training involving police authorities and the role of models, such as trauma-informed approaches, may identify areas for improvement that enhance and improve the interactions and relationship between the police and the public. While this major paper was not focused on addressing the issue of discrimination in police stops or the usefulness of the practices of street checks for crime reduction or intelligence-led 58 policing, the data did present similar over-representations of Indigenous or minority groups found in street check research throughout Canada (Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019; Tulloch, 2018; Vancouver Police Department, 2018; Wortley, 2019). Research relying on a more complete data set of all police-initiated stops should provide a more comprehensive understanding of the effectiveness, benefits, harms, and challenges from this form of policepublic interaction and identify improvements for police policy and training. Conclusion In Canada, the effectiveness and associated harms of police-initiated stops have been debated by police, the public, civil libertarians, and the government over the past decade (British Columbia, 2019a; Griffiths et al., 2018; Montgomery et al., 2019; Wortley, 2019). Other countries and regions, including the United States and the United Kingdom, have shared similar histories, although their controversial practices extended beyond police stops to include physical and property searches (Bandes et al., 2019; Garrett & Slobogin, 2020; Qureshi & Grove, 2013). The purpose of this major paper was not to investigate whether police stops were useful crime reduction strategies or if police agencies were systemically racist. Instead, the objective was to explore the fluidity of police-initiated stops and related data sets. The policy and literature review suggested limitations in previous attempts to address the issue of street checks. Based on the concept of a continuum of police-initiated stops, where an intended neutral engagement quickly transitions to a criminal investigation and possible arrest, a more fulsome dataset, including both street checks and on-view calls were compared. The results demonstrated considerable likenesses between the two datasets and indicated similarities in police behaviour, including where and when to conduct stops and the individuals 59 they were engaging. Therefore, considering officer-generated interactions as a continuum and including the various outcomes of these stops in a single database, including both street checks and investigative on-view calls for service, may provide researchers and policymakers with a more comprehensive understanding of the police-initiated stop continuum. 60 References Abram, K.M., Teplin, L.A., Charles, D.R., Longworth, S.L., McClelland, G.M, & Dulcan, M.K. (2004). Posttraumatic stress disorder and trauma in youth in juvenile detention. Archives of General Psychiatry, 61, p. 403-410. https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/article-abstract/481985 Alberta Justice and Solicitor General (2020). Provincial guidelines for the collection of personal information from a member of the public. https://open.alberta.ca/publications/provincial-guidelines-for-collection-of-personalinformation-from-member-of-public Aston, E., Murray, K., & O’Neill, M. (2021). Achieving cultural change through organizational justice: The case of stop and search in Scotland. Criminology & Criminal Justice: An International Journal, 21, p. 40-56. https://doiorg.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1177/1748895819839751 Bandes, S.A., Pryor, M., Kerrison, E.M., & Atiba Goff, P. (2019). The mismeasure of Terry stops: Assessing the psychological and emotional harms of stop and frisk to individuals and communities. Behavioural Sciences and the Law, 37, p. 176-194. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/bsl.2401 Bellin, J. (2014). The inverse relationship between the constitutionality and effectiveness of New York City “Stop and Frisk”. Boston University Law Review, 94, 1495-1550. Black, P. J., Woodworth, M., Tremblay, M., & Carpenter, T. (2012). A review of trauma-informed treatment for adolescents. Canadian Psychology/Psychologie Canadienne, 53(3), p.192203. https://eds-a-ebscohost- 61 com.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=3&sid=48fbc620-72cf-40a3-9f3379565c2f85a1%40sessionmgr4006 British Columbia Motor Vehicle Act, RSBC 1996, C – 318. British Columbia Police Act, RSBC 1996, C – 367. British Columbia Public Safety and Solicitor General (2019). Promoting Unbiased Policing in B.C. Public Engagement Process. Unbiased Policing Report (gov.bc.ca) Cassell, P. & Fowles, R. (2018). What caused the 2016 Chicago homicide spike? An empirical examination of the 'ACLU Effect' and the role of stop and frisks in preventing gun violence. University of Illinois Law Review, 2018(5), p. 1581-1686. Cohen, I.M., & Burk, K. (2019). Street checks in RCMP Jurisdictions in BC: Phase 1. Crime Reduction Research Program (CRRP). Cohen, I., Plecas, D., McCormick, A., & Peters, A. (2014). Eliminating crime; the 7 essential principles of police-based crime reduction. Len Garis: University of the Fraser Valley. Cotton, D., & Coleman, T.G. (2010). Canadian police agencies and their interactions with persons with a mental illness: a systems approach. Police Practice and Research, 11(4), 301-314. doi: 10.1080/15614261003701665 Criminal Code of Canada, RSC 1985, c. C – 46. Cook, T., Sentamu, J., & Stone, R. (1999). The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachm ent_data/file/277111/4262.pdf Chartrand, V. (2019). Unsettled times: Indigenous incarceration and the links between colonialism and the penitentiary in Canada. Canadian Journal of Criminology and 62 Criminal Justice, 61(3), 67-89. https://eds-b-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=11&sid=a70ab021-9d7d-4190845a-f12922c759e1%40sessionmgr4007 Daumeyer, N.M., Onyeador, I.N., Brown, X., & Richeson, J.A., (2019). Consequences of attributing discrimination to implicit vs. explicit bias. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 84, p. 1-10. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2019.04.010 Doucette, C. (2018). Killing Carding: The deadly toll of putting street checks on ice. Toronto Sun, September 29. https://torontosun.com/news/local-news/killing-carding-the-deadly-tollof-putting-street-checks-on-ice Environmental Systems Research Institute (2016). ArcMap: Kernel Density. https://desktop.arcgis.com/en/arcmap/10.3/tools/spatial-analyst-toolbox/kerneldensity.htm#:~:text=For%20ArcGIS%2010.2.,the%20search%20radius%20unreasonably %20large. Eversman, M.H., & Bird, J.D. (2017). Moral panic and social justice: A guide for analyzing social problems. Social Work, 62(1), p. 29-36. doi: 10.1093/sw/sww068 Franklin, C. A., Garza, A. D., Goodson, A., & Bouffard, L. A. (2020). Police perceptions of crime victim behaviours: A trend analysis exploring mandatory training and knowledge of sexual and domestic violence survivors’ trauma responses. Crime & Delinquency, 66(8), p. 1055-1086. https://journals-sagepubcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/doi/pdf/10.1177/0011128719845148 63 Fridell, L., & Lim, H (2016). Assessing the racial aspects of police force using the implicit- and counter-bias perspectives. Journal of Criminal Justice, 44, p. 36-48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2015.12.001 Gaind, L. (2020). A rose by any other name: Well-being checks, a new manifestation of discriminatory policing? Appeal, 25, p. 3-26. https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/appeal25&div=6&id=&p age= Gau, J.M. (2012). Consent searches as a threat to procedural justice and police legitimacy: An analysis of consent requests during traffic stops. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 24(6), p. 759-777. https://eds-a-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/detail/detail?vid=8&sid=dc458814-151b-4aa2-8f47ee96f5e1da2d%40sessionmgr4006&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU%3d#AN=918982 90&db=edb Government of British Columbia (2016). British Columbia Guideline for Police Information Checks. https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminaljustice/police/publications/police-informationchecks/police_infochecks_guidelines_dec16.pdf Government of British Columbia (2019a). Forward: Provincial Policing Standards, C – 6.2. Government of British Columbia (2019b). Provincial Policing Standards, C – 6.2. Government of British Columbia (2019c). Police Resources in British Columbia, 2019. https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminaljustice/police/publications/statistics/police-resources.pdf 64 Government of Canada (2019a). Section 7 - Life, liberty and security of the person. Government of Canada (2019). Section 9 – Arbitrary detention. https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/rfc-dlc/ccrf-ccdl/check/art9.html. Government of Canada (2020). Ethnic or cultural origins: Technical report on changes for the 2021 Census. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/ref/98-200002/982000022020001-eng.cfm Garrett, B., & Slobogin, C. (2020). The law on police use of force in the United States. German Law Journal, 21(8), p. 1526-1540. https://eds-b-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/detail/detail?vid=12&sid=ee9ef3c4-906a-4fd4-a6474445fb16bd43%40pdc-vsessmgr02&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU%3d#AN=147315662&db=edb Griffiths, C.T., Montgomery, R., & Murphy, J.J. (2018). EPS Street Check Policy & Practice Review. https://edmontonpolicecommission.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/EPS-StreetCheck-Study-Final-REDACTED.pdf Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services (2018). PEEL: Police effectiveness 2017. A national overview. https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmicfrs/wp-content/uploads/peel-policeeffectiveness-2017-2.pdf Hirschtick, J. L., Homan, S. M., Rauscher, G., Rubin, L. H., Johnson, T. P., Peterson, C. E., & Persky, V. W. (2019). Persistent and aggressive interactions with the police: potential mental health implications. Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences, 29, p. 1-8. https://doi-org.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1017/S2045796019000015 65 Huncar, A. (2017, August 24). Alberta government launches provincewide consultation on police street checks. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/alberta-streetcheck-consultations-1.4260272 Inbau, F.E., & Thompson, J.R. (1968). Stop and frisk: The power and the obligation of the police. Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, & Police Science, 59(3), p. 333-334. https://eds-bebscohost-com.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=22&sid=92f75af13806-4a59-a48d-9785e74a5bcc%40sessionmgr102 Komada, E. (2019). Recognizing the role of trauma and creating trauma-informed systems in Pennsylvania juvenile courts. Widener Law Journal, 28, p. 85-104. https://eds-bebscohost-com.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=9&sid=4a5e10fd-e47b4f70-8b14-29ae890e351a%40sdc-v-sessmgr03 Kuh, R. (1964). Reflections on New York’s “Stop-And-Frisk” Law and it’s Claimed Unconstitutionality. New York Law Journal. Laroche, J. (2021, March 2). Province in discussions over controversial exemption to police street checks. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/street-checks-policelegislature-committee-community-services-racism-1.5933548 Levchak, P.J. (2021). Stop-and-frisk in New York City: Estimating racial disparities in post-stop outcomes. Journal of Criminal Justice, 73. p. 1-13. https://doiorg.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2021.101784 Little, S. (2020, January 21). The VPD has updated its 'carding' policy. Here's what it means for you. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/6444540/vancouver-police-new-cardingpolicy/ 66 Livingston, J., Desmarais, S., Greaves, C., Parent, R., Verdun-Jones, S., & Brink, J. (2014). What influences perceptions of procedural justice among people with mental illness regarding their interactions with the police? Community Mental Health Journal, 50(3), p. 281-287. https://doi-org.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1007/s10597-012-9571-5 Maimann, K. (2019, February 3). The province promised a review of street checks 18 months ago. Where is it? The Star. https://www.thestar.com/edmonton/2019/02/03/theprovince-promised-a-review-of-street-checks-18-months-ago-where-is-it.html?rf Marsh, S.C., Summers, A., De Vault, A. & Villalobos, J.G. (2016). Lessons learned from developing a trauma consultation protocol for juvenile and family courts. Juvenile and Family Court Journal, 67(3), p. 5-22. https://eds-b-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=3&sid=96391031-dc2f-4ed6a834-ee872591481a%40pdc-v-sessmgr06 Martin, J. (2016). English Legal System (Vol. Eighth edition). London: Hodder Education Group. https://search-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=1350629&site=eds-live MacDonald, J. M. (2019). Independent Legal Opinion on Street Checks. https://humanrights.novascotia.ca/sites/default/files/editoruploads/independent_legal_opinion_on_street_checks.pdf Macpherson, S. W. (1999). Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny, CM 4262-1. London: HMSO. Melchers, R. (2006). Inequality Before the Law: The Canadian Experience of “Racial Profiling”, Ottawa: Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) Research and Evaluation Branch. 67 Meng, Y. (2017). Profiling minorities: police stop and search practices in Toronto, Canada. Human Geographies – Journal of Studies and Research in Human Geography (11), 5-23. doi: 1 1 0.5719/hgeo.2017. 11.1 Miller, J., Quinton, P., Alexandrou, B., & Packham, D. (2020). Can police training reduce ethnic/racial disparities in stop and search? Evidence from a multisite UK trial. Criminology and Public Policy, 19, p. 1259-1287. https://onlinelibrary-wileycom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/doi/full/10.1111/1745-9133.12524 Ministry of Justice (2017). Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2016, London: Ministry of Justice. https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/race-and-the-criminaljustice-system-2016 Montgomery, R., Griffiths, C.T., Pollard, N., Murphy, J., & Ripley, A. (2019). Vancouver Police Board Street Check Review. Pyxis Consulting Group. Motta Stoffel, B.C.M., Felix Henrique, P.K., Flavio, P., Lisia, von D., Olivier, S.M.F., Tatiana, H.L., & Marcelo, S.C. (2019). Crack users and violence. What is the relationship between trauma, antisocial personality disorder and posttraumatic stress disorder? Addictive Behaviors, 98. https://eds-a-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/detail/detail?vid=2&sid=4b9e6bb2-224a-4682-9c1f64c538334992%40sessionmgr101&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmU%3d#AN=201951801-001&db=psyh New York Civil Liberties Union (2019). Stop-And-Frisk Data. https://www.nyclu.org/en/stopand-frisk-data New York Code of Criminal Procedure, section 108-a 68 N.S. to ban street checks by police after retired judge deems practice illegal. (2019, October 19). Globe and Mail, p. A22. Retrieved from: https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A603151360/BIC?u=abbo55004&sid=BIC&xid=af66b621 . Accessed 2 Nov. 2019. Office of the Information and Privacy Commissioner of Albert (2017). Street checks and policing public consultation. https://www.oipc.ab.ca/media/873262/letter_police_street_checks_oct-25-17.pdf Ontario Police Services Act, 2017, Ontario Regulations 58/16. Papachristos, A.V., Meares, T.L., & Fagan, J. (2012). Why do criminals obey the law? The influence of legitimacy and social networks on active gun offenders. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 102(2), p. 397-440. https://eds-b-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=3&sid=b00af9ba-ea17-4ea3-9fce46c908fee800%40sessionmgr4007 Parent, R., & Parent, C. (2018). Ethics and Canadian Law Enforcement. Toronto, ON, Canada: Canadian Scholars. Paul, E., & Ortin, A. (2019). Psychopathological mechanisms of early neglect and abuse on suicidal ideation and self-harm in middle childhood. European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 28(10), p. 1311-1319. https://eds-a-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=2&sid=a3c75f12-e40c-40fe-95ceff227dc1a320%40sessionmgr4006 69 Price, J.H., & Payton, E. (2017). Implicit racial bias and police use of lethal force: Justifiable homicide or potential discrimination? Journal of African American Studies, 21, p. 674683. doi: 10.1007/s12111-017-9383-3 PRIME-BC (2015). PRIME-BC Records Management System (RMS) Reference Manual. Qureshi, F., & Grove, L. (2013). Thirty years of police stops: findings from the Crime Survey for England and Wales. International Journal of Police Science & Management, 15(2), p. 157-168. doi: 10.1350/ijps.2013.15.2.309 Ray, C. (2019, October 18). Street checks permanently banned in N.S. after review calls them illegal. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/halifax-street-checks-illegal1.5326217 Regan, P., & Alfred, T. (2014). Unsettling the settler within: Indian residential schools, truth telling, and reconciliation in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press. Rengifo, A.F., & Fowler, K. Stop, question, and complain: Citizen grievances against the NYPD and the opacity of police stops across New York City precincts, 2007-2013. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 93, p. 31-41. https://edsa-ebscohost-com.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=2&sid=66718db085e0-4b5e-9ee3-2e1b73e1b763%40sdc-v-sessmgr03 Rich, K. (2019). Trauma-informed police responses to rape victims. Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 28(4), p. 463-480. https://eds-b-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=4&sid=a70ab021-9d7d-4190845a-f12922c759e1%40sessionmgr4007 70 Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2014). Audit of Selected Monitoring and Oversight Activities. https://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/en/audit-selected-monitoring-and-oversight-activities Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2020). RCMP Occurrence Report. https://www.rcmpgrc.gc.ca/transparenc/police-info-policieres/calls-appels/occurence-incident-eng.htm R. v. Aucoin, 2012 SCC 66 R. v. Chapman, 2020 SKCA 11 R. v. Chehil, 2013 SCC 49 R. v. Grant, 2009 SCC 32 R. v. Le, 2014 ONSC 2033 R. v. MacKenzie, 2013 SCC 50 R. v. Mann, 2004 SCC 52. R. v. Nguyen, 2010 ABCA 146 R. v. Sanscartier, 2019 QCCA 1079 R. v. Singh, 2007 SCC 48 R. v. Storrey, 1990 SCR 241 R. v. Suberu 2009 SCC 33 Saunders, J., & Kilmer, B. (2019). Changing the narrative: Police-community partnerships and racial reconciliation. Justice Quarterly, 38, p. 47-71. https://www-tandfonlinecom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/doi/full/10.1080/07418825.2019.1568520 Scheindin, S.A. (2017). A chance to reflect: Thoughts from the author of Floyd v. City of New York. Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law, 15, p. 35-48. https://eds-a-ebscohost- 71 com.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=2&sid=dc458814-151b-4aa28f47-ee96f5e1da2d%40sessionmgr4006 Shiner, M., Carre, Z., Delsol, R., & Eastwood, N. (2019). The colour of injustice: ‘Race’, drugs and law enforcement in England and Wales. London: StopWatch/Release Sinclair, R. (2016). The Indigenous child removal system in Canada: An examination of legal decision-making and racial bias. First Peoples Child & Family Review, 11(2), p. 8-18. https://eds-b-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=9&sid=a70ab021-9d7d-4190845a-f12922c759e1%40sessionmgr4007 Smith, C.C. (2006). Racial Profiling in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. St. Louis, S., & Greene, J.R. (2020). Social context in police legitimacy: giving meaning to police/community contacts. Policing & Society, 30(6), p. 656-673. https://doiorg.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1080/10439463.2019.1578768 Statistics Canada. 2017. Prince George [Census agglomeration], British Columbia and British Columbia [Province] (table). Census Profile. 2016 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 98-316-X2016001. Ottawa. Released November 29, 2017. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2016/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E Telep, C.W., & Weisburd, D. (2012). What is known about the effectiveness of police practices in reducing crime and disorder? Police Quarterly, 15(4), p. 331-357. Torres, J. (2015). Race/ethnicity and stop-and-frisk: Past, present, future. Sociology Compass, 9, p. 931-939. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/soc4.12322 72 Tulloch, M.H. (2018). Report of the Independent Street Checks Review. Ontario, CA: Queen's Printer for Ontario. https://www.mcscs.jus.gov.on.ca/english/Policing/StreetChecks/ReportIndependentStr eetChecksReview2018.html Tyler, T.R., & Jackson, J. (2014). Popular legitimacy and the exercise of legal authority. Motivating compliance, cooperation, and engagement. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 20, p. 78-95. https://doi-org.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1037/a0034514 Tyler, T.R., Fagan, J., & Geller, A. (2014). Street stops and police legitimacy: Teachable moments in young urban men’s legal socialization. Journal of Empirical Legal Studies, 11(4), p. 751-785. https://eds-a-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=4&sid=402e9299-ff06-491d-92ade06055e8b3a8%40sessionmgr4008 United States Department of Justice (2003). Assessing measurement techniques for identifying race, ethnicity, and gender: observation-based collection in airports and at immigration checkpoints / Humanalysis, Inc. (2003). Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Vancouver Police Department (2018). Understanding Street Checks: An Examination of a Proactive Policing Strategy. https://vancouver.ca/police/assets/pdf/understandingstreet-checks.pdf Vancouver Police Department (2021). Street check audit report. https://vancouverpoliceboard.ca/police/policeboard/agenda/2021/0218/4-2-2102G01Board-Report.pdf 73 Versaterm (2021). Delivering Value to Our Clients. https://www.versaterm.com/clients Vesely-Flad, R. (2014). New York City under Siege: The Moral Politics of Policing Practices, 19932013. Wake Forest Law Review, 49(3), 889–912. https://search-ebscohostcom.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/login.aspx?direct=true&db=bth&AN=99812353&site=eds-live Williams, B.N., & Michael, S. (2008). An analysis of police traffic stops and searches in Kentucky: A mixed methods approach offering heuristic and practical implications. Policy Sciences, 41(3), p. 221-243. https://doi-org.proxy.ufv.ca:2443/10.1007/s11077-008-9065-z Wilson, J.Q., & Kelling, G. (1982). The police and neighborhood safety: Broken windows. Atlantic Monthly, 249(3), p. 29-38. http://illinoisonline.org/krassa/ps410/Readings/Wilson%20and%20Kelling%20Broken%20Windows.p df Wilson-Bates, F. (2008). Lost in transition: How a lack of capacity in the mental health system is failing Vancouver’s mentally ill and draining police resources. Vancouver, British Columbia: Vancouver Police Board. Wortley, S. (2019). Halifax, Nova Scotia: Street Checks Report. https://humanrights.novascotia.ca/sites/default/files/editoruploads/halifax_street_checks_report_march_2019_0.pdf 74